Following Slovakia’s last historic drop in the most-watched global Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) by twelve places, we have fallen by another two positions for the year 2025. Slovakia currently ranks 61st out of 182 countries.
In terms of score in the international comparison, compiled by the Transparency International (TI) Secretariat in Berlin, we lost another point, obtaining 48 out of 100 possible points (the higher the score, the less corruption).
Since the current government power took office, Slovakia has lost 14 positions and 6 points. Only eight countries in the world recorded a larger drop over a two-year horizon (Belarus, Eswatini, Egypt, Bulgaria, Eritrea, Mozambique, Russia, and Mexico).
We have thus approached our minimum since the methodology change in 2012 (46 points). At that time, Slovakia was only gradually introducing several key anti-corruption tools, ranging from public contracts and beneficial ownership registers to whistleblower protection.
Conversely, we reached our highest point so far—47th place and a score of 54—in 2023. In the last two years, the trend has reversed, and confidence in the state’s ability to face corruption is falling perceptibly.
The ranking is compiled by TI Secretariat from indices of independent institutions mapping 1-2 years prior. The movement does not participate in their creation. Slovakia was concerned in 9 indices; year-on- year, we worsened in five.
Fight against corruption at rock bottom
The main reason for Slovakia’s continuing decline is that changes to the state’s penal policy, introduced by the fourth government of Robert Fico (Smer), are manifesting increasingly in practice.
The combination of lowering sentences and shortening statutes of limitations led to the de facto amnesty of part of the cases. Consequently, even some exposed cases, in which prosecution was stopped or charges were dropped due to the statute of limitations expiry, will no longer reach court. This concerns, for example, former Minister of Finance Ján Počiatek in the Lemikon case, actors in the Interblue emissions case, and the statute of limitations also applied in the cases of Deputy Speaker of Parliament Peter Žiga, entrepreneurs Miroslav Výboh and Peter Košč, as well as several police officers investigated for cooperation with organized crime or tax fraudsters.
The abolition of the Special Prosecutor’s Office and the breaking up of the National Criminal Agency also had a significant impact on the detection and prosecution of corruption.
“The experiment named ‘amendment to the Criminal Code’ in the corruption section, and particularly the change of organizational structure in the police, did not succeed. The state of the fight against corruption is catastrophic,” General Prosecutor Maroš Žilinka also evaluated the situation at the beginning of February 2026.
Police data also show a decline to a historic low; the number of persons prosecuted and investigated for corruption per year fell to 42. Last year, according to the prosecution service, no case of corruption at the highest levels was detected.
The public space was also filled with cases of abuse of public funds and power, such as cases of drawing Eurofunds for fictitious guesthouses, the overpriced “slayáda” regarding the purchase of the bankrupt outlet in Voderady, the case of the cancelled “ambulance tender“, suspicions of purposeful selection of winners of subsidy calls for research and development, dubious IT contracts, or undeclared assets of politicians.
Political accountability was enforced only exceptionally; after the scandal with subsidies, Deputy Prime Minister for the Recovery Plan and Knowledge Economy Peter Kmec (Hlas) resigned, moved to parliament, and according to media reports, is heading back to diplomacy.
Domestic polls also confirm people’s low trust in the detection and punishment of corruption at the highest levels. At the Slovak chapter of Transparency, independently of the CPI index, we had citizens’ perception of corruption measured in a representative survey by the Ipsos agency at the turn of January and February.
To the question regarding people’s trust in the investigation and punishment of corruption at the highest places in politics or the state, up to 82% responded skeptically.
Data collection for TIS was realized via the Instant Research application of the Ipsos agency from 28 Jan to 2 Feb 2026 on a representative sample of 1000 respondents.
Rule of law and public control under pressure
The weakening of the rule of law also continued, manifesting in the frequent circumvention of the standard legislative process and public discussion. Attacks on institutions, part of the police force, prosecutors and judges, as well as on independent media and civil society, continued to escalate.
The politicization of public television and radio also deepened; the government power approved a bullying law against NGOs, which the Constitutional Court cancelled at the end of the year. It intervened similarly against the unconstitutional effort to charge fees for information and preliminarily suspended the abolition of the Whistleblower Protection Office.
The European Commission also continued to critically evaluate the development of the rule of law; according to its report, Slovakia achieved no progress in most recommendations in 2025. In the report, the EC particularly emphasized persistent concerns in the area of the fight against corruption, stemming primarily from the penal reform in 2024. The Group of States against Corruption (GRECO), which is a body of the Council of Europe, also reproached Slovakia for non-fulfillment of recommendations in the area of fighting corruption during 2025.
An aftertaste of unfairness was left by the conclusion regarding the unfair campaign of President Peter Pellegrini. Due to presidential immunity, suspicions of breaching legal limits for the campaign were not investigated, and authorities additionally returned a fine to him for another violation of election rules.
The President managed to stand up against the weakening of corruption and the rule of law in isolated cases. However, part of the problematic changes passed through the Head of State. In several fundamental moments, the system of checks and balances still functioned, namely in the attitudes and steps of independent institutions such as the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Audit Office, the Public Defender of Rights, the Whistleblower Protection Office, the Public Procurement Office, the Antimonopoly Office, or other courts and the prosecution service.
Active civil society, which managed to mobilize repeatedly during 2025 and protest against the undermining of the rule of law, remains a positive.
Drop within the EU as well
Slovakia’s lag behind the average of European Union countries deepened further in the CPI ranking last year. Currently, the gap is 14 points (48 vs. 62). Currently, only four EU countries are worse off than us – Croatia (63rd place), Romania (70th), Bulgaria (84th), and Hungary (84th). Greece (56th) managed to break away from us last year, and Malta (60th) also overtook us.
Among the countries with the least perceived corruption in the world are again Denmark with a score of 89 points, Finland (88), and Singapore (84). South Sudan and Somalia remain at the tail end (shared 181st position and 9 points) and Venezuela (180th place and 10 points). Of the European states, Russia again placed worst (157th with a score of 22); Ukraine, attacked by it, also still struggles with corruption (104th and 36 points).
Of the post-communist countries, Estonia holds the highest position long-term, currently figuring at 12th position in the world with 76 points. Of the Visegrád Four, Czechia is ahead of us, having managed to move year-on-year from 46th to 39th position with a score of 59 points, and Poland (52nd with a score of 53 points). Within the EU, Bulgaria joined long-term last-place Hungary (84th place and 40 points) last year with the same score.
What to expect in 2026?
The effort for the purposeful abolition and transformation of the Whistleblower Protection Office or changes making the use of testimonies of cooperating accused persons in criminal proceedings more difficult from the end of the year have not yet been reflected in Slovakia’s current CPI index result.
However, TI Secretariat perceives them as warning signals, to which it paid special attention in the accompanying analysis on development in Western Europe and EU countries. “In Slovakia, the government is dismantling anti-corruption safeguards, including whistleblower protections, and weakening investigations of corruption and organised crime, especially those involving senior officials,” the TI Secretariat summarises.
Development at the turn of the year also signals continuing attacks on institutions, media, and civil society. Considerations regarding purposeful changes to institutions such as the Specialized Criminal Court, the Council for Media Services, the Whistleblower Protection Office, or the merging of the Public Procurement Office with the Antimonopoly Office continue to come from the government coalition environment.
The consequences of political instability, the worsening situation in the area of corruption and the rule of law, and weakly effective consolidation will thus continue to manifest negatively at home and with foreign partners and investors in the coming period.
Situation worsening globally
TI Secretariat warns that for the first time in more than a decade, the global average corruption perception score also fell, specifically to current 42 points. Up to 122 of 182 countries achieved less than half of the possible points (including Slovakia).
According to the movement, the trend of restricting civil society is disturbing. If pointing out problematic government steps becomes complicated or dangerous for people, non-governmental organizations, and journalists, it weakens transparency and accountability enforcement and increases corruption risks.
TI Secretariat recommends that countries strengthen independent and accessible justice, limit disproportionate influences of interest groups on political decisions, protect civic space and whistleblowers, increase transparency and control in public services and public finances, and consistently detect and punish grand corruption and illegal financial flows.
What does CPI measure?
The organization has been compiling the Corruption Perceptions Index since 1995; current results are comparable year-on-year since 2012. The ranking is calculated from the results of countries in 13 different indices of independent institutions, including the World Bank, the World Economic Forum, as well as consulting companies and think-tanks.
The resulting corruption perception ranking, based on more detailed indices, thus reflects primarily the perception of corruption among managers, investors, or Slovak and foreign experts. Compared to public opinion polls or the Eurobarometer, the aggregate CPI index therefore reflects to a greater extent the development in the area of grand corruption (abuse of public functions and resources, cleanliness of tenders, government anti-corruption steps, level of the rule of law, etc.).
Details on methodology and complete results are available on the TI Secretariat website.
You can also view the Slovak context in a short video.
In case of questions, you can also contact the Slovak chapter of Transparency International at tis@transparency.sk or +421 905 613 779.
Michal Piško, Director of Transparency International Slovakia
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